SC Bill Steps Up To Protect Unorganized Militia From Fed’s Gun Grab

While the Obama administration and the United Nations both are actively targeting private gun ownership, and yes, for the naysayers out there, that is what they are doing, the State of South Carolina is seeking to put forth a bill that will safeguard its citizens from the tyranny of the Federal government. A new piece of legislation has been introduced

Senate Bill 247 was introduced on January 16, 2013 by state Senators Tom Corbin, Tom Davis, Kevin Bryant, and Lee Bright and sources indicate that a companion measure will soon be offered in the South Carolina House of Representatives.

The bill reads,

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Be it enacted by the General Assembly of the State of South Carolina:

SECTION 1. Article 1, Chapter 1, Title 25 of the 1976 Code is amended by adding:

“Section 25-1-80. (A) Pursuant to the provisions of Section 25-1-60, an able-bodied citizen of this State who is over seventeen years of age and can legally purchase a firearm is deemed a member of the South Carolina Unorganized Militia, unless he is already a member of the National Guard or the organized militia not in National Guard service.

(B) The unorganized militia will be under the supervision of the Governor, as Commander-in-Chief, and the Adjutant General and shall be regulated through the actions of the General Assembly.

(C) The powers and duties of the South Carolina Unorganized Militia include:

(1) The militia may be ordered to active duty pursuant to the provisions of Section 25-1-1890.

(2) A militia member, at his own expense, shall have the right to possess and keep all arms that could be legally acquired or possessed by a South Carolina citizen as of December 31, 2012. This includes shouldered rifles and shotguns, handguns, clips, magazines, and all components.

(3) The unorganized militia may not fall under any law or regulation or jurisdiction of any person or entity outside of South Carolina.

(4) A member may resign at any time from the unorganized militia, at which time he will resume his civilian status.”

Senator Corbin said, “The premise is that that is our state standing army, and the federal government has no jurisdiction to tell our militia what sort of weapons we can possess.”

The only point I disagree with Corbin on is when he said, “Obviously you can’t have automatic weapons. I’ve had people come up to me and say, ‘Hey, as citizens we need to be able to possess the same firepower that the military has.’ You’ll never get that passed in a bill.”

As my father once said, “As long as you say ‘never,’ you’ll never get anything done.”

“And do we really want people having flame-throwers and shoulder-launched grenades and things like that?” he continued. “It simply protects what we have now from confiscation or regulation by law or executive order by any body or entity outside the state of South Carolina.”

While Corbin does correctly say that “gun control just doesn’t work,” he goes on to state that it “infringes on our citizens’ rights.” Well now isn’t banning automatic weapons, sawed off shot guns, flame throwers and “the same firepower that the military has” an infringement as well? I think so. However, at least they are attempting to stop the Feds from infringing on that right.

I am unashamedly an anti-Federalist. With that said, James Madison, in Federalist #46, writes concerning something we see taking place in America:

The only refuge left for those who prophesy the downfall of the State governments is the visionary supposition that the federal government may previously accumulate a military force for the projects of ambition. The reasonings contained in these papers must have been employed to little purpose indeed, if it could be necessary now to disprove the reality of this danger. That the people and the States should, for a sufficient period of time, elect an uninterupted succession of men ready to betray both; that the traitors should, throughout this period, uniformly and systematically pursue some fixed plan for the extension of the military establishment; that the governments and the people of the States should silently and patiently behold the gathering storm, and continue to supply the materials, until it should be prepared to burst on their own heads, must appear to every one more like the incoherent dreams of a delirious jealousy, or the misjudged exaggerations of a counterfeit zeal, than like the sober apprehensions of genuine patriotism. Extravagant as the supposition is, let it however be made. Let a regular army, fully equal to the resources of the country, be formed; and let it be entirely at the devotion of the federal government; still it would not be going too far to say, that the State governments, with the people on their side, would be able to repel the danger. The highest number to which, according to the best computation, a standing army can be carried in any country, does not exceed one hundredth part of the whole number of souls; or one twenty-fifth part of the number able to bear arms. This proportion would not yield, in the United States, an army of more than twenty-five or thirty thousand men. To these would be opposed a militia amounting to near half a million of citizens with arms in their hands, officered by men chosen from among themselves, fighting for their common liberties, and united and conducted by governments possessing their affections and confidence. It may well be doubted, whether a militia thus circumstanced could ever be conquered by such a proportion of regular troops. Those who are best acquainted with the last successful resistance of this country against the British arms, will be most inclined to deny the possibility of it. Besides the advantage of being armed, which the Americans possess over the people of almost every other nation, the existence of subordinate governments, to which the people are attached, and by which the militia officers are appointed, forms a barrier against the enterprises of ambition, more insurmountable than any which a simple government of any form can admit of. Notwithstanding the military establishments in the several kingdoms of Europe, which are carried as far as the public resources will bear, the governments are afraid to trust the people with arms. And it is not certain, that with this aid alone they would not be able to shake off their yokes. But were the people to possess the additional advantages of local governments chosen by themselves, who could collect the national will and direct the national force, and of officers appointed out of the militia, by these governments, and attached both to them and to the militia, it may be affirmed with the greatest assurance, that the throne of every tyranny in Europe would be speedily overturned in spite of the legions which surround it. Let us not insult the free and gallant citizens of America with the suspicion, that they would be less able to defend the rights of which they would be in actual possession, than the debased subjects of arbitrary power would be to rescue theirs from the hands of their oppressors. Let us rather no longer insult them with the supposition that they can ever reduce themselves to the necessity of making the experiment, by a blind and tame submission to the long train of insidious measures which must precede and produce it.

The argument under the present head may be put into a very concise form, which appears altogether conclusive. Either the mode in which the federal government is to be constructed will render it sufficiently dependent on the people, or it will not. On the first supposition, it will be restrained by that dependence from forming schemes obnoxious to their constituents. On the other supposition, it will not possess the confidence of the people, and its schemes of usurpation will be easily defeated by the State governments, who will be supported by the people.

South Carolina is not alone in this endeavor. Other states also have put forth similar legislation. States must seek to protect themselves from the growing, tyrannical Federal government, so with that, my hat is off to my State Senators for moving in that direction.

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